This year marks our 70th year of diplomatic ties with Japan and 80th with Australia, two of our staunchest security partners in the region. These take place at a time of rising tension as China has increased the number of its Navy and Coast Guard ships in the West Philippine Sea and its military presence in the Taiwan Strait.
What better way for Japan to herald our 70th anniversary than the visit of Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi in mid-January, signing two defense deals with the Philippines. One, the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA), to enable the seamless provision of supplies and services during joint exercises and humanitarian operations of the two countries’ militaries.
Two, a $6-million Official Security Assistance to build facilities that will house the rigid-hulled inflatable boats previously donated by Japan to the Philippine Navy, the first infrastructure project under this grant.
Japan has consistently helped improve the capability of the Philippine Navy and Coast Guard.
The ACSA follows the Reciprocal Access Agreement (RAA) which took effect last year, a milestone in Philippine-Japan relations.
The RAA eases the deployment of both countries’ armed forces for combat training and disaster response in each other’s territory.
When it comes to exporting defense equipment, Japan remains constrained as it limits these to five categories: rescue, transport, warning, surveillance, and minesweeping. As of December 2025, Japan was preparing to export a command and control system to the Philippines.
The Asahi Shimbun reported that the system is designed for air defense operations, “integrating radar and sensor data to detect enemy aircraft and missiles, and process the information centrally and enable coordinated command and control.” This export falls under the category of “surveillance.”
In 2022, Japan supplied the Philippines with air surveillance radar units. Thus, the command and control system will allow smoother information sharing between the militaries of the two countries.
For Australia, defense spending this year includes the building of eight infrastructure projects at five military bases in the Philippines, all in Luzon. The locations have not yet been made public and the cost is still being firmed up. What is clear is this: Australia will lead the “construction, use, upgrade, and maintenance” of these facilities.
“The Luzon projects are part of Australia’s broader efforts to bolster the security architecture of the region…and [the Philippines] is expected to be a frontline in a future regional war,” ABC News said.
Canberra has been taking a closer look at the Philippines, and defense cooperation, particularly on infrastructure development, has become a new priority. This aims to contribute to our armed forces’ capacity for external defense and boost interoperability between the two countries’ militaries.
A new study by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, “Allies entwined: Australia’s strategic convergence with the Philippines,” makes the case that it is in the interest of Canberra, as part of an international coalition, to make a military contribution to the defense of the Philippines — “a democracy under direct threat” — against external aggression, and to uphold the regional order.
Reflecting the deepening of security cooperation, Manila and Canberra are expected to sign a new Defense Cooperation Agreement this year. Australia’s Ambassador Marc Innes Brown said during last year’s Manila Dialogue that this represents a significant expansion in defense collaboration and will cover maritime domain awareness, joint operational planning, cybersecurity and defense infrastructure.
“It will have a strong South China Sea dimension, reflecting the nations’ stepped-up joint patrols and exercises,” the Indo-Pacific Forum reported.
Oh, and it’s also our 80th anniversary with the US. I do not mean this to be a footnote because the US is still our most powerful ally — our only treaty ally, in fact. We’ve had great strides in security relations the past years with a robust American military presence in the country.
But recent developments in the US, which is also commemorating its 250th birthday, have been disturbing. The leader of the liberal international order, anchored on rules and shared values, has gone rogue.
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney put it best at the World Economic Forum in Davos, without mentioning you-know-who. “The rules-based order is fading, the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must…. We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.”
Here, in our part of the world, despite the active presence of the US military on the ground and the rhetoric about our high-octane relationship, there is an unsettling, lingering feeling that things may not seem to be what they are. Part of our reservation stems from the uncertainty that all this can unravel if Trump chooses transactionalism over a 75-year-old alliance. (We are also marking the 75th year of the Mutual Defense Treaty.)
That’s why our security partnerships with Tokyo and Canberra are significant — and these two countries are stepping up. It would be even more consequential if these middle powers work together to boost our region’s stability.
Let me know what you think. Do email me at [email protected].
Till next newsletter!


